With the defection of Kano State Governor Abba Yusuf from the NNPP to the APC, the ruling party has reached a new height in Nigeria’s political landscape. While the PDP once held 31 governors at its peak in 2003, the APC now stands in arguably stronger territory across multiple electoral layers — the presidency, 29 governors, 78 senators, and 248 members of the House of Representatives.
In barely 12 years since its formation in 2013, the APC has transformed from a coalition of opposition forces into the most dominant political machine of the Fourth Republic. What began as a merger of ACN, CPC, ANPP, and a faction of APGA has evolved into a party that now controls two-thirds thresholds required for the most consequential constitutional actions without needing opposition backing.
Only seven states remain outside APC control. The party now commands a clean sweep in entire geo-political zones and holds commanding legislative numbers that make consensus politics less necessary than arithmetic strength.
This dominance carries implications beyond numbers. With the ability to amend the Constitution, override vetoes, approve states of emergency, and initiate impeachment processes without opposition consent, concerns are rising about whether procedure and scrutiny could be sidelined when outcomes are already guaranteed.
The Rivers State situation illustrates this tension. Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s defection to the APC has turned an impeachment crisis into an internal party matter, placing responsibility on the APC leadership to manage peace within its expanding fold.
Nigeria, however, faces urgent national challenges — insecurity, economic strain, tax reforms, state police debates, constitutional amendments, and electoral reforms. These issues demand inclusion and careful deliberation, even as legislative speed becomes easier under a super majority.
From 11 governors at formation in 2013, to 16 later that year, 26 in 2015, a dip to 20 in 2019 and 2023, and now 29, the APC’s growth has been shaped by court rulings, defections, and opposition fragmentation. The Senate balance that once required negotiation in 2023 has since tilted decisively.
Opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have warned that the wave of defections risks shrinking democratic space and fostering one-party dominance. The APC leadership, however, dismisses this, insisting that defections are voluntary and democracy remains intact.
APC National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, maintains that Nigeria’s constitutional framework prevents a one-party state and that opposition vitality depends on the opposition itself.
With such overwhelming strength, the defining question is no longer whether the APC can govern, but how it will use its dominance — to deepen institutions and federalism, or to normalize legislative rubber-stamping.
The broom that once symbolized resistance now represents authority. What it sweeps next will shape Nigeria’s democratic trajectory.
